Prior to joining PPIC, she was a research assistant with the social and demographic trends team at the Pew Research Center. In that role, she contributed to a variety of national quantitative and qualitative survey studies.

She holds a BA in psychology from the University of Hawaiʻi at Mānoa. This survey was supported with funding from the Arjay and Frances F. Ruben Barrales Senior Vice President, External Relations Wells Fargo.

Mollyann Brodie Executive Vice President and Chief Operating Officer Henry J. Kaiser Family Foundation. Bruce E. Cain Director Bill Lane Center for the American West Stanford University. Jon Cohen Chief Research Officer and Senior Vice President, Strategic Partnerships and Business Development Momentive-AI. Joshua J. Dyck Co-Director Center for Public Opinion University of Massachusetts, Lowell. Lisa García Bedolla Vice Provost for Graduate Studies and Dean of the Graduate Division University of California, Berkeley.

Russell Hancock President and CEO Joint Venture Silicon Valley. Sherry Bebitch Jeffe Professor Sol Price School of Public Policy University of Southern California. Carol S. Larson President Emeritus The David and Lucile Packard Foundation. Lisa Pitney Vice President of Government Relations The Walt Disney Company. Robert K. Ross, MD President and CEO The California Endowment.

Most Reverend Jaime Soto Bishop of Sacramento Roman Catholic Diocese of Sacramento. Helen Iris Torres CEO Hispanas Organized for Political Equality. David C. Wilson, PhD Dean and Professor Richard and Rhoda Goldman School of Public Policy University of California, Berkeley.

Chet Hewitt, Chair President and CEO Sierra Health Foundation. Mark Baldassare President and CEO Public Policy Institute of California. Ophelia Basgal Affiliate Terner Center for Housing Innovation University of California, Berkeley. Louise Henry Bryson Chair Emerita, Board of Trustees J. Paul Getty Trust. Sandra Celedon President and CEO Fresno Building Healthy Communities. Marisa Chun Judge, Superior Court of California, County of San Francisco.

Steven A. Leon E. Panetta Chairman The Panetta Institute for Public Policy. Cassandra Walker Pye President Lucas Public Affairs. Gaddi H. Vasquez Retired Senior Vice President, Government Affairs Edison International Southern California Edison. The Public Policy Institute of California is dedicated to informing and improving public policy in California through independent, objective, nonpartisan research. PPIC is a public charity. It does not take or support positions on any ballot measures or on any local, state, or federal legislation, nor does it endorse, support, or oppose any political parties or candidates for public office.

Short sections of text, not to exceed three paragraphs, may be quoted without written permission provided that full attribution is given to the source. Research publications reflect the views of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of our funders or of the staff, officers, advisory councils, or board of directors of the Public Policy Institute of California. This website uses cookies to analyze site traffic and to allow users to complete forms on the site.

PPIC does not share, trade, sell, or otherwise disclose personal information. PPIC Water Policy Center. PPIC Statewide Survey. PPIC Higher Education Center. People Our Team Board of Directors Statewide Leadership Council Adjunct Fellows.

Support Ways to Give Our Contributors. Table of Contents Key Findings Overall Mood Gubernatorial Election State Propositions 26, 27, and 30 Congressional Elections Democracy and the Political Divide Approval Ratings Regional Map Methodology Questions and Responses Authors and Acknowledgments PPIC Statewide Advisory Committee PPIC Board of Directors Copyright.

Key Findings Overall Mood Gubernatorial Election State Propositions 26, 27, and 30 Congressional Elections Democracy and the Political Divide Approval Ratings Regional Map Methodology Questions and Responses Authors and Acknowledgments PPIC Statewide Advisory Committee PPIC Board of Directors Copyright. Key Findings California voters have now received their mail ballots, and the November 8 general election has entered its final stage.

These are among the key findings of a statewide survey on state and national issues conducted from October 14 to 23 by the Public Policy Institute of California: Many Californians have negative perceptions of their personal finances and the US economy.

Forty-seven percent say that things in California are going in the right direction, while 33 percent think things in the US are going in the right direction; partisans differ in their overall outlook. Partisans are deeply divided in their choices. Fewer than half of likely voters say the vote outcome of Propositions 26, 27, or 30 is very important to them. Sixty-one percent say the issue of abortion rights is very important in their vote for Congress this year; Democrats are far more likely than Republicans or independents to hold this view.

Republicans are far less likely than Democrats and independents to hold this positive view. There is rare partisan consensus on one topic: majorities of Democrats, Republicans, and independents are pessimistic that Americans with different political views can still come together and work out their differences.

About four in ten or more California adults and likely voters approve of US Senator Dianne Feinstein and US Senator Alex Padilla. These approval ratings vary across partisan groups. Approval of the state legislature is higher than approval of the US Congress. Would you call yourself a strong Democrat or not a very strong Democrat?

Acknowledgments This survey was supported with funding from the Arjay and Frances F. Kaiser Family Foundation Bruce E.

Cain Director Bill Lane Center for the American West Stanford University Jon Cohen Chief Research Officer and Senior Vice President, Strategic Partnerships and Business Development Momentive-AI Joshua J. Dyck Co-Director Center for Public Opinion University of Massachusetts, Lowell Lisa García Bedolla Vice Provost for Graduate Studies and Dean of the Graduate Division University of California, Berkeley Russell Hancock President and CEO Joint Venture Silicon Valley Sherry Bebitch Jeffe Professor Sol Price School of Public Policy University of Southern California.

Robert Lapsley President California Business Roundtable Carol S. Ross, MD President and CEO The California Endowment Jui Shrestha Survey Specialist Consultant World Bank Most Reverend Jaime Soto Bishop of Sacramento Roman Catholic Diocese of Sacramento Helen Iris Torres CEO Hispanas Organized for Political Equality David C.

Paul Getty Trust Sandra Celedon President and CEO Fresno Building Healthy Communities A. Marisa Chun Judge, Superior Court of California, County of San Francisco Phil Isenberg Former Chair Delta Stewardship Council Mas Masumoto Author and Farmer.

Panetta Chairman The Panetta Institute for Public Policy Gerald L. Parsky Chairman Aurora Capital Group Kim Polese Chairman and Co-founder CrowdSmart Cassandra Walker Pye President Lucas Public Affairs Helen Iris Torres CEO Hispanas Organized for Political Equality Gaddi H.

Learn More. Fact Sheet · August California Voter and Party Profiles. Event · October 27, Statewide Survey: Californians and Their Government. Blog Post · November 4, Video: Californians and Their Government. Who knows what we'll learn next? Sign up to get the best content of the week, and great gaming deals, as picked by the editors. One of Josh's first memories is of playing Quake 2 on the family computer when he was much too young to be doing that, and he's been irreparably game-brained ever since.

His writing has been featured in Vice, Fanbyte, and the Financial Times. He'll play pretty much anything, and has written far too much on everything from visual novels to Assassin's Creed. His most profound loves are for CRPGs, immersive sims, and any game whose ambition outstrips its budget.

He thinks you're all far too mean about Deus Ex: Invisible War. Open menu Close menu PC Gamer PC Gamer THE GLOBAL AUTHORITY ON PC GAMES. opens in new tab opens in new tab opens in new tab opens in new tab opens in new tab opens in new tab. US Edition. Moreover, the overall program flow of control can be out of the control of the caller and in the framework's hands by inversion of control or a similar mechanism.

An API can specify the interface between an application and the operating system. Linux and Berkeley Software Distribution are examples of operating systems that implement the POSIX APIs. Microsoft has shown a strong commitment to a backward-compatible API, particularly within its Windows API Win32 library, so older applications may run on newer versions of Windows using an executable-specific setting called "Compatibility Mode".

An API differs from an application binary interface ABI in that an API is source code based while an ABI is binary based. For instance, POSIX provides APIs while the Linux Standard Base provides an ABI.

Remote APIs allow developers to manipulate remote resources through protocols , specific standards for communication that allow different technologies to work together, regardless of language or platform. For example, the Java Database Connectivity API allows developers to query many different types of databases with the same set of functions, while the Java remote method invocation API uses the Java Remote Method Protocol to allow invocation of functions that operate remotely but appear local to the developer.

Therefore, remote APIs are useful in maintaining the object abstraction in object-oriented programming ; a method call , executed locally on a proxy object, invokes the corresponding method on the remote object, using the remoting protocol, and acquires the result to be used locally as a return value. A modification of the proxy object will also result in a corresponding modification of the remote object.

Web APIs are a service accessed from client devices Mobile Phones, Laptop, etc. to a web server using the Hypertext Transfer Protocol HTTP. Client devices send a request in the form of an HTTP request, and are met with a response message usually in JavaScript Object Notation JSON or Extensible Markup Language XML format. Developers typically use Web APIs to query a server for a specific set of data from that server. An example might be a shipping company API that can be added to an eCommerce-focused website to facilitate ordering shipping services and automatically include current shipping rates, without the site developer having to enter the shipper's rate table into a web database.

While "web API" historically has been virtually synonymous with web service , the recent trend so-called Web 2. Web APIs allow the combination of multiple APIs into new applications known as mashups. In the social media space, web APIs have allowed web communities to facilitate sharing content and data between communities and applications.

In this way, content that is created in one place dynamically can be posted and updated to multiple locations on the web. The design of an API has a significant impact on its usage. The Factory method pattern is also typical in designing APIs due to their reusable nature.

An application programming interface can be synchronous or asynchronous. A synchronous API call is a design pattern where the call site is blocked while waiting for the called code to finish. API security is very critical when developing a public facing API. Common threats include SQL injection , Denial-of-service attack DoS , broken authentication, and exposing sensitive data.

Some common security practices include proper connection security using HTTPS , content security to mitigate data injection attacks, and requiring an API key to use your service. APIs are one of the more common ways technology companies integrate. Those that provide and use APIs are considered as being members of a business ecosystem.

The main policies for releasing an API are: [46]. An important factor when an API becomes public is its "interface stability". Changes to the API—for example adding new parameters to a function call—could break compatibility with the clients that depend on that API. When parts of a publicly presented API are subject to change and thus not stable, such parts of a particular API should be documented explicitly as "unstable".

For example, in the Google Guava library, the parts that are considered unstable, and that might change soon, are marked with the Java annotation Beta. A public API can sometimes declare parts of itself as deprecated or rescinded. This usually means that part of the API should be considered a candidate for being removed, or modified in a backward incompatible way.

Therefore, these changes allow developers to transition away from parts of the API that will be removed or not supported in the future. Client code may contain innovative or opportunistic usages that were not intended by the API designers. In other words, for a library with a significant user base, when an element becomes part of the public API, it may be used in diverse ways. From December through November , Akamai witnessed Of these, API documentation describes the services an API offers and how to use those services, aiming to cover everything a client would need to know for practical purposes.

Documentation is crucial for the development and maintenance of applications using the API. Traditional documentation files are often presented via a documentation system, such as Javadoc or Pydoc, that has a consistent appearance and structure. However, the types of content included in the documentation differ from API to API. In the interest of clarity, API documentation may include a description of classes and methods in the API as well as "typical usage scenarios, code snippets, design rationales, performance discussions, and contracts", but implementation details of the API services themselves are usually omitted.

Restrictions and limitations on how the API can be used are also covered by the documentation. For instance, documentation for an API function could note that its parameters cannot be null, or that the function itself is not thread safe.

The OpenAPI document defines basic information such as the API's name and description, as well as describing operations the API provides access to. API documentation can be enriched with metadata information like Java annotations. This metadata can be used by the compiler, tools, and by the run-time environment to implement custom behaviors or custom handling.

It is possible to generate API documentation in a data-driven manner. By observing many programs that use a given API, it is possible to infer the typical usages, as well the required contracts and directives.

In , Oracle Corporation sued Google for having distributed a new implementation of Java embedded in the Android operating system. Google had approached Oracle to negotiate a license for their API, but were turned down due to trust issues. Despite the disagreement, Google chose to use Oracle's code anyway. Judge William Alsup ruled in the Oracle v. Google case that APIs cannot be copyrighted in the U.

S and that a victory for Oracle would have widely expanded copyright protection to a "functional set of symbols" and allowed the copyrighting of simple software commands:. To accept Oracle's claim would be to allow anyone to copyright one version of code to carry out a system of commands and thereby bar all others from writing its different versions to carry out all or part of the same commands.

Alsup's ruling was overturned in on appeal to the Court of Appeals for the Federal Circuit , though the question of whether such use of APIs constitutes fair use was left unresolved. In , following a two-week trial, a jury determined that Google's reimplementation of the Java API constituted fair use , but Oracle vowed to appeal the decision.

The case was decided by the Supreme Court in Google's favor with a ruling of 6—2. Justice Stephen Breyer delivered the opinion of the court and at one point mentioned that "The declaring code is, if copyrightable at all, further than are most computer programs from the core of copyright.

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. For other uses, see API disambiguation. php" redirects here. For the Wikipedia API, see Special:ApiHelp. Main article: Web API. Main article: Oracle America, Inc. Google, Inc. Main category: Application programming interfaces. Server application programming interface SAPI Simple DirectMedia Layer SDL. API testing API writer Augmented web Calling convention Common Object Request Broker Architecture CORBA Comparison of application virtual machines Document Object Model DOM Double-chance function Foreign function interface Front and back ends Interface computing Interface control document List of 3D graphics APIs Microservices Name mangling Open API Open Service Interface Definitions Parsing Plugin RAML software Software development kit SDK Web API Web content vendor XPCOM.

Elsevier Science. ISBN Retrieved September 18, When you hear the acronym "API" or its expanded version "Application Programming Interface," it is almost always in reference to our modern approach, in that we use HTTP to provide access to machine readable data in a JSON or XML format, often simply referred to as "web APIs. Retrieved Retrieved 29 July

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Miller Foundation and the James Irvine Foundation. California voters have now received their mail ballots, and the November 8 general election has entered its final stage. Amid rising prices and economic uncertainty—as well as deep partisan divisions over social and political issues—Californians are processing a great deal of information to help them choose state constitutional officers and state legislators and to make policy decisions about state propositions. The midterm election also features a closely divided Congress, with the likelihood that a few races in California may determine which party controls the US House.

These are among the key findings of a statewide survey on state and national issues conducted from October 14 to 23 by the Public Policy Institute of California:.

Today, there is a wide partisan divide: seven in ten Democrats are optimistic about the direction of the state, while 91 percent of Republicans and 59 percent of independents are pessimistic. Californians are much more pessimistic about the direction of the country than they are about the direction of the state. Majorities across all demographic groups and partisan groups, as well as across regions, are pessimistic about the direction of the United States. A wide partisan divide exists: most Democrats and independents say their financial situation is about the same as a year ago, while solid majorities of Republicans say they are worse off.

Regionally, about half in the San Francisco Bay Area and Los Angeles say they are about the same, while half in the Central Valley say they are worse off; residents elsewhere are divided between being worse off and the same. The shares saying they are worse off decline as educational attainment increases.

Strong majorities across partisan groups feel negatively, but Republicans and independents are much more likely than Democrats to say the economy is in poor shape.

Today, majorities across partisan, demographic, and regional groups say they are following news about the gubernatorial election either very or fairly closely. In the upcoming November 8 election, there will be seven state propositions for voters. Due to time constraints, our survey only asked about three ballot measures: Propositions 26, 27, and For each, we read the proposition number, ballot, and ballot label.

Two of the state ballot measures were also included in the September survey Propositions 27 and 30 , while Proposition 26 was not. This measure would allow in-person sports betting at racetracks and tribal casinos, requiring that racetracks and casinos offering sports betting make certain payments to the state to support state regulatory costs. It also allows roulette and dice games at tribal casinos and adds a new way to enforce certain state gambling laws.

Fewer than half of likely voters say the outcome of each of these state propositions is very important to them. Today, 21 percent of likely voters say the outcome of Prop 26 is very important, 31 percent say the outcome of Prop 27 is very important, and 42 percent say the outcome of Prop 30 is very important. Today, when it comes to the importance of the outcome of Prop 26, one in four or fewer across partisan groups say it is very important to them.

About one in three across partisan groups say the outcome of Prop 27 is very important to them. Fewer than half across partisan groups say the outcome of Prop 30 is very important to them. When asked how they would vote if the election for the US House of Representatives were held today, 56 percent of likely voters say they would vote for or lean toward the Democratic candidate, while 39 percent would vote for or lean toward the Republican candidate.

Democratic candidates are preferred by a point margin in Democratic-held districts, while Republican candidates are preferred by a point margin in Republican-held districts.

Abortion is another prominent issue in this election. When asked about the importance of abortion rights, 61 percent of likely voters say the issue is very important in determining their vote for Congress and another 20 percent say it is somewhat important; just 17 percent say it is not too or not at all important. With the controlling party in Congress hanging in the balance, 51 percent of likely voters say they are extremely or very enthusiastic about voting for Congress this year; another 29 percent are somewhat enthusiastic while 19 percent are either not too or not at all enthusiastic.

Today, Democrats and Republicans have about equal levels of enthusiasm, while independents are much less likely to be extremely or very enthusiastic. As Californians prepare to vote in the upcoming midterm election, fewer than half of adults and likely voters are satisfied with the way democracy is working in the United States—and few are very satisfied.

Satisfaction was higher in our February survey when 53 percent of adults and 48 percent of likely voters were satisfied with democracy in America. Today, half of Democrats and about four in ten independents are satisfied, compared to about one in five Republicans. Notably, four in ten Republicans are not at all satisfied.

In addition to the lack of satisfaction with the way democracy is working, Californians are divided about whether Americans of different political positions can still come together and work out their differences. Forty-nine percent are optimistic, while 46 percent are pessimistic.

Today, in a rare moment of bipartisan agreement, about four in ten Democrats, Republicans, and independents are optimistic that Americans of different political views will be able to come together. Notably, in , half or more across parties, regions, and demographic groups were optimistic. Today, about eight in ten Democrats—compared to about half of independents and about one in ten Republicans—approve of Governor Newsom. Across demographic groups, about half or more approve of how Governor Newsom is handling his job.

Approval of Congress among adults has been below 40 percent for all of after seeing a brief run above 40 percent for all of Democrats are far more likely than Republicans to approve of Congress.

Fewer than half across regions and demographic groups approve of Congress. Approval in March was at 44 percent for adults and 39 percent for likely voters. Across demographic groups, about half or more approve among women, younger adults, African Americans, Asian Americans, and Latinos.

Views are similar across education and income groups, with just fewer than half approving. Approval in March was at 41 percent for adults and 36 percent for likely voters. Across regions, approval reaches a majority only in the San Francisco Bay Area. Across demographic groups, approval reaches a majority only among African Americans. This map highlights the five geographic regions for which we present results; these regions account for approximately 90 percent of the state population.

Residents of other geographic areas in gray are included in the results reported for all adults, registered voters, and likely voters, but sample sizes for these less-populous areas are not large enough to report separately. The PPIC Statewide Survey is directed by Mark Baldassare, president and CEO and survey director at the Public Policy Institute of California.

Coauthors of this report include survey analyst Deja Thomas, who was the project manager for this survey; associate survey director and research fellow Dean Bonner; and survey analyst Rachel Lawler. The Californians and Their Government survey is supported with funding from the Arjay and Frances F.

Findings in this report are based on a survey of 1, California adult residents, including 1, interviewed on cell phones and interviewed on landline telephones. The sample included respondents reached by calling back respondents who had previously completed an interview in PPIC Statewide Surveys in the last six months. Interviews took an average of 19 minutes to complete.

Interviewing took place on weekend days and weekday nights from October 14—23, Cell phone interviews were conducted using a computer-generated random sample of cell phone numbers. Additionally, we utilized a registration-based sample RBS of cell phone numbers for adults who are registered to vote in California.

All cell phone numbers with California area codes were eligible for selection. After a cell phone user was reached, the interviewer verified that this person was age 18 or older, a resident of California, and in a safe place to continue the survey e.

Cell phone respondents were offered a small reimbursement to help defray the cost of the call. Cell phone interviews were conducted with adults who have cell phone service only and with those who have both cell phone and landline service in the household. Landline interviews were conducted using a computer-generated random sample of telephone numbers that ensured that both listed and unlisted numbers were called.

Additionally, we utilized a registration-based sample RBS of landline phone numbers for adults who are registered to vote in California. All landline telephone exchanges in California were eligible for selection. For both cell phones and landlines, telephone numbers were called as many as eight times. When no contact with an individual was made, calls to a number were limited to six. Also, to increase our ability to interview Asian American adults, we made up to three additional calls to phone numbers estimated by Survey Sampling International as likely to be associated with Asian American individuals.

Accent on Languages, Inc. The survey sample was closely comparable to the ACS figures. To estimate landline and cell phone service in California, Abt Associates used state-level estimates released by the National Center for Health Statistics—which used data from the National Health Interview Survey NHIS and the ACS. The estimates for California were then compared against landline and cell phone service reported in this survey.

We also used voter registration data from the California Secretary of State to compare the party registration of registered voters in our sample to party registration statewide. The sampling error, taking design effects from weighting into consideration, is ±3.

This means that 95 times out of , the results will be within 3. The sampling error for unweighted subgroups is larger: for the 1, registered voters, the sampling error is ±4. For the sampling errors of additional subgroups, please see the table at the end of this section. Sampling error is only one type of error to which surveys are subject.

Results may also be affected by factors such as question wording, question order, and survey timing. We present results for five geographic regions, accounting for approximately 90 percent of the state population. Residents of other geographic areas are included in the results reported for all adults, registered voters, and likely voters, but sample sizes for these less-populous areas are not large enough to report separately.

We also present results for congressional districts currently held by Democrats or Republicans, based on residential zip code and party of the local US House member. We compare the opinions of those who report they are registered Democrats, registered Republicans, and no party preference or decline-to-state or independent voters; the results for those who say they are registered to vote in other parties are not large enough for separate analysis.

We also analyze the responses of likely voters—so designated per their responses to survey questions about voter registration, previous election participation, intentions to vote this year, attention to election news, and current interest in politics.

The percentages presented in the report tables and in the questionnaire may not add to due to rounding. Additional details about our methodology can be found at www. pdf and are available upon request through surveys ppic. October 14—23, 1, California adult residents; 1, California likely voters English, Spanish. Margin of error ±3.

The term was introduced to the field of databases by C. Federal Communications Commission. Next, would you consider yourself to be politically: [read list, rotate order top to bottom]. For small business owners, time is at a premium as they are wearing multiple hats every day. Linear Elamite Celtiberian Northeastern Iberian Southeastern Iberian Khom Dunging.

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